This week, most likely, the jury will issue a verdict in the case of the murder of Boris Nemtsov. But, despite the fact that the charge, it seems to us, looked more convincing, the investigation and the judicial investigation ended in failure. The Russian siloviki proved to be incapable even of elementary investigative actions against the proximity of Ramzan Kadyrov and more or less high-ranking Chechen military men. But it all began convincingly.

Consequence

The circle of persons allegedly involved in the murder was established within a few days, which, in practice, there was, perhaps, no disclosure of such crimes. Rapidly passed and arrests - as early as March 2015. Moreover, the suspects gave confessions under the video camera.

And then everything went off.

During the detention in Grozny, Beslan Shavanov, an accomplice in the crime, was killed / killed.

It turned out that the FSO allegedly does not conduct video surveillance of the territory adjacent to the Kremlin. Believe in this is impossible. Why did not you get a record? Most likely, motivating the "state secret" - no one should know where the video cameras are installed. The result - a clear record of the moment of the crime the investigation was not.

Rosgvardia did not answer the investigation for a long time about the status of its fighters - the alleged killer Zaur Dadayev and the alleged (at that time) organizer Ruslan Geremeyev. Neither the dates of dismissal, nor the reasons for business trips to Moscow.

The order to deliver for questioning Ruslan Geremeyev, addressed to the investigation in the FSB Directorate for Chechnya, remained unimplemented. Allegedly they did not open the door.

Chechnya's leader, Ramzan Kadyrov, spoke publicly about the innocence of the arrested and hinted that Goremeyev was doing the right thing, which is not for questioning. The result - the confessed suspects refused to testify, Ruslan Geremeyev went abroad with fake documents.

The investigator who started this case was removed

The investigation twice tried to bring charges against Geremeyev in absentia to go to court again with absentee arrest and to declare him wanted. But twice the leadership of the UK did not support this initiative. As a result, Geremeyev is not even a witness.

A large number of witnesses have not been questioned (see below).

In the media and in social networks, a PR campaign began to discredit the investigation, and then to disrupt the case in court. And it costs money, therefore it can be assumed that either the customer himself or the persons covering it were interested in this.

The investigation twice tried to bring charges against Geremeyev in absentia to go to court again with absentee arrest and to declare him wanted. But twice the leadership of the UK did not support this initiative. As a result, Geremeyev is not even a witness.

PR campaign

Almost immediately, as soon as the names of suspects became known, publications on the case began to appear in various large media. They were of two types. The first ones, according to the lawyers of the suspects, were told about the alleged inconsistencies in the investigation, "incorrect" examinations, torture, alibi and other, leading to the idea that the investigation works through the sleeves. The second began to carry to the masses version of the "Ukrainian trace", which was then actively prosecuted in court by the lawyers of the suspects. At the same time, the opinion of the investigation and lawyers of the victims was not given.

As far as it became known to Novaya Gazeta, only non-public intervention by representatives of the press service of the SC allowed us to somehow stop the shaft of unverified and sometimes untrue information.

It is clear that a certain part of the society could not lead to the "Ukrainian trace", especially as it was many times, many "experts" began to talk about the guilty of the whole "bloody regime" with his special services. These people were led to another - to the newer unknown blogger Igor Murzin, who emerged as a devil from a snuffbox, suddenly engaged in "investigation" for no reason.

DOSSIER "NEW"

Igor Murzin was born on November 27, 1958 in Leningrad. Since 1994, he led four small companies that were engaged in wholesale and retail trade: they traded food products, tobacco products. Since 2003, he registered LLC "Law Firm of the KDP", which was engaged in activities in the field of law. From 2014 to 2017, Murzin periodically gave expert comments to the St. Petersburg media, either as a lawyer or as the head of the legal portal "Shtraf.Net", then in his personal capacity. In media, he appears as the head of the portal "Fine. Net", which, however, has not been updated since 2014.

In the comments of Novaya Gazeta, Igor Kucherenko, the vice-president of the International Bar Association "St. Petersburg", noted that he hears the name of Igor Murzin for the first time. "I'm fairly informed, but maybe I just do not know him." In the circle of political strategists, Murzin's name does not tell anyone either.

On the site of "Rosprasududie" you can find more than fifty processes, the representative of which was Murzin. The greater part - disputes with the traffic police, part - violation of migration legislation. The first court decision was dated 2011, the last - 2015-m.
To him somehow got the materials of the criminal case, and he himself - not a criminalist, not a criminal lawyer, not an expert - has become very famously analyzing the most complicated examinations. Essence is the consequence of all lies. This is a well-known technique, especially in jury trials, when lawyers take the jury's attention away from important things, occupying their minds with narrowly professional trifles that have little effect on the essence.

On the Blogger platform, Igor Murzin leads several blogs, the main one of which is "Boris" - dedicated to the murder of Boris Nemtsov. The first post appeared in July 2016, in which Murzin indicated his idea of killing Nemtsov as a "sacred victim." According Murzin, the murder was organized by Russian special services, and this seems to be a proof of the version of the plot against Putin, Kadyrov and Russia. In posts, he developed this version, analyzing the indictment, giving testimony of autoregistrators and video chronicle. In the main blog on May 16, 2017 - 57 posts. Also, the investigation was published on the website kasparov.ru blocked by Roskomnadzor. Activity Murzina in Facebook began in September 2016: he began to post links to materials published in Blogger.

In August 2016 in an interview Igor Murzin said that he left Russia because of fears for his life in connection with the investigation.

A deputy of the St. Petersburg parliament from the Yabloko party, Mikhail Amosov, told Novaya Gazeta that he had studied with Igor Murzin at the same school - No. 99 in St. Petersburg. This fact of the biography also became a formal occasion for meeting Murzin with the deputy in 2006. "He came to me and offered to help, not even with PR activities, but thinking through the moves," Amosov said. "I realized that Murzin was engaged in the promotion of commercial brands, and I was interesting to him as a political brand." According to Amosov, Murzin told him how to apply technology promotion in politics, and made it clear that in the future "he sees an opportunity to make money on this".

The head of the United Civil Front in St. Petersburg, Olga Kurnosova, estimates the meeting differently with Murzin. "The concept he proposed was on the verge of a foul, therefore, his services were refused. It was a black PR. I know him as a PR man, I do not know how to be a lawyer, "she told Novaya Gazeta.

The answer to the question "New", why he decided to conduct an alternative investigation, Murzin did not give us, promising to "recast later in a long article". Similarly, Murzin answered the question about his education: "A very interesting publication is being prepared, I do not want to anticipate it." However, he promised to publish his diplomas in a short time. Later in the conversation, Murzin explained the secrecy tactical move - "there must be some certain incompleteness."

"And he did it, and did it," murmured Murzin vaguely when asked about his professional path, specifying a little later that there was no public relations among the areas of his professional activity, only "political technology." "He was engaged in the promotion of Valentina Ivanovna Matvienko to the post of governor," he said. - But further, as they say, did not go. "

According Murzin, investigating the circumstances of the murder, he took up immediately, as soon as he became aware of the tragedy. "On the first of March I was already in Moscow."

Asked where Murzin got the materials of the case, the interlocutor reacts sharply: "There is no answer, no comments on this question. Why should I tell you about this? "When we clarified from whom the materials were received, Murzin replied:" The person who gave them to me did not give the right to this. " We ask, is it not afraid that he can use it for his own purposes? Responds negatively.

We specify, is it not afraid that it can put pressure on the jury? "Why should I be afraid of something?" - Remarks Murzin. "If I do not tell you, everyone will be sure: the killer is Dadaev, and everything, dovidos."

At the end of the conversation, Murzin noted that he did not consider his investigation as a version: "It's not a version for a long time. Once again I tell you. Version - when sitting clowns all sorts on the couches and write any nonsense, including my facebook. I am a lawyer, I participate in the courts, all judges know me. "

OPINION EXPERT

Boris Kuznetsov, a Russian lawyer:

- I did not study the "Study" by Igor Murzin for the following reasons. I do not comment on cases that are under consideration in court, especially when it comes to jury trial, as this can affect their verdict.

Forensic science as a science makes certain demands on evidence, namely: they must be relevant, permissible and reliable. When Murzin publishes tables, videos and other documents, their origin, as well as the means of obtaining them, are unknown to me.

Reliability of evidence is very important. First, reliable evidence must be obtained from a benign source. If we talk about the conclusion of an expert, then it is important not only the selected research methodology, the possibility of obtaining a final, rather than probabilistic withdrawal, but also the expert's competence, the availability of education and specialization. All this is investigated in court and, as I believe, is not available to Murzin. He puts forward the thesis that shooting at Nemtsov was conducted from two pistols. Examination of bullets and shells gives a categorical conclusion: shooting from one or from different barrels was conducted.

I asked Murzin about this, he dismissed: "This examination was conducted by the FSB, and if they shot, then the examination will be appropriate." I fully admit that the "ears of the FSB" stick out in Nemtsov's case, but to prove this we need proof. In particular, if there is reason to question the findings of FSB experts, that is, the procedural mechanisms for their verification.

Reliability of information is verified by comparing several evidence. Detection of contradictory, mutually exclusive information indicates the unreliability of some of the evidence. Murzin told me that there was a lot of waste paper in the business, and therefore he took the most important documents out of the case.

There are several questions: where did Murzin get the materials of the case? Does he have all the materials of the criminal case, or are they separate materials? And also how much is Murzin himself competent in assessing the materials of the criminal case? On the page in the FB he writes about himself that he is a lawyer, but does not specify the institution that he graduated from. I asked him where he studied law, he could not remember the name of the university.

I have four pistols in the US that use 9x19 "parabellum" cartridges. In a bag where there were cartridges, there was one sleeve. I decided to determine the competence of Murzin, and he was mistaken, saying that it was a cartridge case from Makarov's pistol. Anyone can make a mistake visually: the caliber of these guns is the same, the length of the sleeve differs by only 1 mm. But any expert will ask for the sleeve in his hands, look at the bottom where there is a marking, or say that he needs to measure the sleeve. The approach of Murzin testifies to his incompetence.

Be that as it may, the process in the minds of many was discredited, and many began to consider the "victims of the regime" sitting on the dock as innocent victims, and the obvious "Chechen trace" in the murder was thoroughly trampled. What, as it seems to us, was to be proved.

Court

The trial of the murder of Boris Nemtsov, which lasted eight months, was completed. It was a strange process. The victims - lawyers of Zhanna Nemtsova - were the only party that had to establish the entire chain - from ordinary performers to the organizers and customers of the crime.

It was important for the prosecutors to prove - in the narrowed frame of the indictment (the minimum that the SC decided to hand over to the court) - the guilt of those sitting on the dock. Without asking them what goals they had so closely communicated with the Chechen security forces close to Kadyrov's entourage that they even lived in their Moscow apartments

The court followed the same principle, absolutely not interested in the motives of the crime, neither by its customer, nor by the fate of money, but the money had to be, since the murder was recognized as a crime committed for hire. The only thing - the Gubashevs' mother said in court that they returned with the amount of money to buy a site. All.

Yury Zhitnikov, the presiding judge, was "lost" important witnesses, the judge himself refused to call them (because of "unreliability" to the charge).

In their repeated petitions to call high-ranking Chechen witnesses to court, the victims were left alone.

The court and prosecutors tried to inform the jury that the motive was simple: the murder of a federal policy was organized by an ordinary young driver from Chechnya, who for some reason took 15 million rubles for this and put together a whole group of his older comrades in age and military rank. Organized just like that. And everything that the defense says and its witnesses from close friends of Nemtsov - about the threats of Kadyrov and Kadyrovites - are lyrical and "irrelevant to the cause."

What happened in court

That defendants in the fall of 2014 - in the winter of 2015, at a time when, according to investigators, preparations were made for the murder (surveillance, information gathering), they lived in Moscow on two apartments on Veernaya Street: one was bought, the other was shot by a major of the Chechen battalion Ruslan Geremeyev's "North" of Rusgvardia, the direct head of the alleged killer Zaur Dadayev - also a serviceman of this battalion at the time of the crime.

The purchase of one apartment cost 19 million rubles, the second one - 63 thousand a month (which is confirmed by documents and testimony of witnesses). Why did Geremeyev buy and take off? Why exactly in the fall of 2014? On what money, really on the salary of the major? What did he talk about when meeting with Temirlan Eskerkhanov, Zaur Dadaev, one of the Gubashov brothers and other persons who were not his relatives or close friends living there for some reason? There are no answers to these questions. Gurimeev himself did not come to court ("He did not receive a summons," the judge said), but the presiding judge refused to deliver it with a drive.
That in the apartment on Veernoy Street, 46 where the defendants lived (the experts found there their biological traces and personal belongings, with the exception of the traces of Khamzat Bakhayev), the investigators found electronic cards (keys) from the rooms in the President Hotel in the name of the native uncle Ruslan Geremeev - Senator Suleiman Geremeyev. It is also known that Ruslan Geremeyev himself often lived in these rooms quite often. The defendants could not explain under what circumstances their cards were in their dwelling. Suleiman Geremeyev, who was not interrogated by the investigation, could not clarify such scrupulous moments, and the court simply refused to call, without finding a reason.

That the phone in the app WhatsApp defendant Temirlan Eskerkhanov was found a video on which Nemtsov admits an impartial statement about the Russian president. The defendant could not say who sent him this video, and called everything "a joke to neigh".

That Eskerhanov the day before the murder of Nemtsov twice - in the afternoon and in the evening - appeared in the hotel "Ukraine" along with Ruslan Geremeyev, which was confirmed by footage from the CCTV cameras. The defendant said that he simply "ate" there, but what he did and who Goremeiev communicated with is unknown.
That the defendants hurried to leave Moscow the day after the murder of Nemtsov. February 28, 2015 in Grozny flew Beslan Shavanov and Anzor Gubashev, them to the airport Vnukovo escort driver Gurimeev Muhutdinov. On March 1, Goremeyev and Zaur Dadaev flew off, Mukhutdinov also accompanied them. On March 3, Mukhutdinov flew to Grozny. Also Shadid Gubashev left his car in Chechnya on his car on March 1 (in his car they will find things on which traces of a shot product will be found).

That at the time of the murder of Boris Nemtsov, the alleged killer Zaur Dadayev served under the leadership of Alibek Delimkhanov, commander of the "North" Battalion, a brother of the State Duma deputy Adam Delimkhanov, known for his proximity to Ramzan Kadyrov. And Delimkhanov's deputy in the battalion was his close relative - Ruslan Geremeyev. In May 2015, that is, three months after the murder of Nemtsov, Delimkhanov was promoted, appointing the 46th Separate Commander of the operational assignment of the Interior Troops to them. Akhmad Kadyrov. Now he is the Hero of Russia, is a colonel of Rosgvardia and listener of the courses of the Academy of the General Staff.

In court, Alibek Delimkhanov (the only Chechen security official who was interrogated in court) did not recall anything at all of what was happening in his regiment in 2014-2015. Including could not identify the travel certificate Zaur Dadaev (found on the Fan) and confirm or deny his signature on them. A person who has served in the "North" battalion for nine years and then in the operational command brigade of internal forces turns out to be unaware of how the shooting of the weapon is carried out before the dismissal (by the serviceman or special person himself) or about how the self Dismissal, nor about the orders and orders issued in his battalion at the time of his command. He also could not explain why Dadaev returned to Grozny on March 1, and the document on dismissal is dated February 28.
That detentions of suspects were conducted in four Russian regions: Zaur Dadaev, Anzor Gubashev and Shadid Gubashev in Ingushetia, Temirlan Eskerkhanov in Moscow (on Veernaya), Khamzat Bakhayev in the Moscow region in Odintsovo district, and Beslan Shavanov in Chechnya. The latter died while detained. Moreover, the very same regiment under the command of Alibek Delimkhanov, whose servicemen were Ruslan Geremeyev and Zaur Dadaev, participated in the detention. At the trial, Dadaev himself said that Beslan Shavanov had not perished, and he was killed while detained, and there was no task of taking him alive. Why? Nobody could answer this question. Alibek Delimkhanov did not tell the details of Shavanov's arrest in court.

What remained incomprehensible

Why in the case there is no key video from the surveillance cameras - a record immediately after the murder of Nemtsov on the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge. There is only a record from the weather camera TVC, which was located at the Hotel Baltschug, but it turned out to be very poor quality. The victims demanded from the very beginning that the authorities that monitor the bridge provide video recordings. First of all, they applied with the relevant request to Yevgeny Murov, who at the time of the murder of Nemtsov was headed by the FSO. With the same request, the FSO was also contacted by the first investigator in Krasnov's case. The answer to the FSO (not signed by Murov) was that the territory of the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge was allegedly "not a protected object" of the FSO, and the agency allegedly does not have videotapes. And who has - it is not clear.

Why the investigation in the case file, or the prosecutors in the jury did not begin to explain why suddenly and under what circumstances Ruslan Mukhutdinov - the driver of Ruslan Geremeyev - was blazing with hatred and experienced a personal dislike for the policy of the federal level. And, finally, how did Muhutdinov single-handedly find weapons and 15 million rubles?
Why the court over and over again filed questions of the victims about Geremeyev. But he could at least as a witness to clarify much about the life and connections of his driver - who, according to the official version of the investigation, was the only organizer of the murder.

Why the investigation showed such reluctance to interrogate Ruslan Geremeyev, whom the UK initially suspected (and then suddenly ceased to exist) that he was one of the organizers of the murder, and even wrote out an investigation order to FSB officers-to find and deliver for interrogation. Explanation of the investigator in the court "we knocked on his house in Chechnya, we did not open" and "he does not answer the summons" (to the court) are simply ridiculous.

Why Goremeyev so quickly withdrew from the number of suspects?

How did another murderer Beslan Shavanov die in Grozny on March 7, 2015? The circumstances of his death / murder are not investigated, and if they are investigated, they have not become public.

Why the court refused to interrogate the following persons before the jury: via video link of the witness of the murder - Anna Duritskaya; A spokeswoman for the politician Olga Shorin, who knew about the plans and movements of the politician; The editor-in-chief of Ekho Moskvy, Alexei Venediktov, with whom Nemtsov communicated 3-4 hours before the murder and shared the fact that threats from the "Kadyrovites" intensified; Persons who were on Veerna together with the defendants (Shamkhan Tazabaev, ex-employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chechnya, and Aslanbek Khataev, the acting Chechen policeman, who held senior posts in the Chechen Republic - the head of the ROVD in Shelkovsky district of Chechnya Vakhi Geremeyev (in this department defendant Temirlan Eskerkhanov worked) , State Duma deputy Adam Delimkhanov, Senator Suleiman Geremeyev and Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov (who, after the arrest of the alleged killer Zaur Dadayev, publicly called him the best fighter battalion "North" and "pat Riot of Russia ", stating that he did not commit murder), the head of the National Guard Viktor Zolotov, who for a long time headed the FSO (the victims wanted to ask him where the video recordings from the surveillance cameras on the bridge could go).

Why the judge throughout the whole process demanded that the witnesses and the victims not speak to the jury about the public and political activities of Boris Nemtsov - "is irrelevant to the case." But maybe the jurors themselves, having weighed everything they heard and seen in the advisory room, would decide what is relevant and what is not?

The result

The case of the murder of Nemtsov can not be called open. The executors will sit or not sit down - the jury will decide, but it seems that in any case the case about the customer and the organizers allocated to a separate production will gather dust on the shelves in the UK. Just like the case of the client of the murder of Anna Politkovskaya. In this process, the evidence base for the same performers was strong (with the exception, perhaps, of Khamzat Bakhayev). There would be a desire, we would gather the same base and on customers. Not allowed.

"NEW NEWSPAPER" APPEAL TO THE GENERAL OF THE POLICE, CHEERN OF CHECHNYA RAMZAN KADYROV

Mister General!

Due to the fact that neither the SC of the RF, nor the FSB of the Russian Federation, nor the court were not able to interview Ruslan Geremeyev, a resident of the Chechen Republic, who lives in the village of Djalka in the Gudermes district, we ask your assistance in ensuring that this, we believe, Answered the questions that are key to establishing the truth in the case of the murder of Boris Nemtsov, in which - and we do not doubt this - you are certainly interested. We are ready to publish his answers in full and without any editing.

Questions to Ruslan Geremeyev:

What position did you occupy in the battalion "Sever" in January-March 2015?

For what purpose did you go on a business trip to Moscow and who signed the travel order to you?

For what purpose did you buy and rent apartments on Veerna Street in Moscow?

Why did these people live in those people who are now suspected of the murder of Boris Nemtsov?

With what purpose and by whom was Zaur Dadaev sent to Moscow - your subordinate?

Who did you meet at the Ukraina Hotel on the day of the murder?

Did you know the routes your car was driven by your driver Muhutdinov?

Why did you leave Moscow immediately after the murder along with the defendants now?

Do you know how your driver Muhutdinov could earn 15 million rubles?

What did Dadaev, Gubashev, Bakhayev and Eskerkhanov who lived in your apartments in Moscow do?